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    Nigeria is at risk unless it finds the courage to restructure. A nation in dire straits, Nigeria has a choice, to restructure by plan or by default. A planned restructuring will be collaborative, systematic, and redesign Nigeria, yet keep it whole. A
    restructuring, will happen, certainly not by choice, but definitely like an uncontrolled experiment with attendant risks and indefinite outcome. The challenge confronting Nigeria now, is that the long overdue restructuring will happen, when the cost of not restructuring far outweighs the cost of restructuring.

    First, if you devolve powers to the states without first democratizing the states (through statea constitutions), then you have created a bigger problem of over-centralization at the state level. If you allow states to have state police and control their resources under the present arrangement, then you have turned our state governors into gods. You have made them more powerful and more corrupt. Dangerous!
    State constitutions are written by the peoples of the state. In that constitution, the people decide what powers they are giving to their governor and what powers they are retaining for their localities. The state constitution decides whether the heads of the state and community police will be elected by the people or appointed by their governor. The state constitution determines who owns what and how the resources of the state will be managed and redistributed among the localities of the state. It is the state constitution that creates local government. And so.
    The state constitution is the instrument through which the people own and control their state governors and governments. It is the best way to democratize the states. In summary, and in our opinion. what is known as the concurrent list in the 1999 Constitution should be converted and referenced to become what will be known as the state constitution.
    State constitutions are not alien. We had it in the past here in Nigeria. It is a standard requirement for federating.

    The motives behind restructuring vary, yet it's well understood that restructuring can't be orchestrated on a sectional, basis, except by force of violence. It’s that singular realization and the need to avoid violence that propels the clamour for a formalized restructuring of Nigeria. The clamour is underpinned by Machiavelli’s mantra of “the powerful influence of necessity”. Ironically, entrenched suspicion is still rampant that any call for restructuring is insidious and masked with ulterior motives; primarily to Balkanize Nigeria. In truth, the thirty-six state structure does that support that theory. Moreover, investments by a huge cluster of wealthy Igbo elite outside their southeast home base have made most Igbo elite embarrassingly taciturn on restructuring issues - read fear of economic reprisals. Yet such reticence is misconstrued, as the Igbo desire restructuring badly, so their enterprises can continue to flourish in a united Nigeria.

    If there is a common denominator for restructuring, it's that broad segments of the nation feel justifiably marginalized. The south-south claim continued deprivation and blight from oil pollution, despite being the hub for the nation's oil wealth. The south-east legitimately gripes that nothing will change the history of the Igbo being divested of some of their properties and wealth after the war and being handed only twenty pounds each; and that fifty-six years after independence, the Nigerian presidency continue to elude the Igbo. The North has valid gripes too. Most of Nigeria's insolvent states are in the North; the broadest swathes of underdeveloped Nigeria are in the North and the largest numbers of uneducated and unskilled youths are from the north. Because northern states are not oil producing, they also lose out on preferential derivation from oil.

    In short, it has not served Nigeria well, and at the risk of reproach it has not served my part of the country, the North well." However, the natural argument that follows is that the North’s problems are self-inflicted; if Nigeria’s misrule has negatively impacted the north, the blame lies with Northerner’s who have predominantly ruled Nigeria.

    The blunt fact remains that this renewed ethnic restiveness is a vote against centralised tyranny and inefficiency as well as the ethnicisation of the Presidency , which have become the hallmark of the Nigerian post- colonial state particularly in the Fourth Republic .
    “ Successful elections and the restriction of the military to the barracks have failed to resolve the National Question . In fact elections , including a historic regime change , have tended to exacerbate the regional and ethnic fault lines , opening the door to a resurgence of primordial sentiments and new centrifugal forces

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